Written by her self: Osborn c682 and The Persecution of Agnes Beaumont

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Osborn c682 is an 18th century hand-written copy of the spiritual autobiography of Agnes Beaumont.

beaumont binding

page one beaumont account

This copy also includes “some lines from the Reverend Mr. Cennicks.”

cennick in beaumont

Agnes Beaumont photo best

Also included with the Beinecke copy is a letter from February of 1841, signed by Anna Maria Seaver to A.J. Dove.

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letter in beaumont

Beaumont’s story is one of great interest within John Bunyan studies, women’s studies, and the study of spiritual autobiography. Her vivid account tells of the time when her father locked her out of the house because she attended Bunyan’s lectures without hiss approval. When she finally makes her way back into the home, promising falsely to no longer visit Bunyan, her father dies in the night of a heart attack. A man named “feery” (or “Ferey” in the Beinecke manuscript edition) then accuses Beaumont for causing her father’s death, a claim that leads to a coroner’s inquest. Beaumont describes the final moments of this event on page 91 of the Beinecke manuscript copy: “The room where we was, was very full of People; and it seems great observation was made of my Countenance as I heard afterwards. some Gentlemen that were upon the Jury said they never should forget me. to see with what a chearful Countenance I stood before them.”

In addition to this accusation, Beaumont suffers from the gossip of her neighbors, who say that she has been having a love affair with Bunyan.

Her story, now typically entitled The Persecution of Agnes Beaumont, is included in modern editions of Bunyan’s Grace Abounding (see Oxford UP edition). Her story was also included in a selection of spiritual autobiographies compiled by Samuel James in Abstract of the gracious dealings of God. The Beinecke holds the third edition of this collection.

One of the most interesting points of Beaumont’s narrative is a passage in which she describes a dream of an uprooted apple tree. This passage is found on page 87 of James’s collection:

beaumont dream in James

Here Beaumont offers the dream as one she narrated to a friend who later mentions it as a vision that foretold her father’s death. Beaumont writes of her grief and her attempt to save the tree: “…though I lifted, first with one arm and then with the other, with all my might, I could not so much as stir it; therefore leaving it turned up by the roots, I ran to my brother, and called his men, but when they came, they could not replant it; and it sorely grieved me, to think this tree should be blown down, while others were left standing” (88). Despite her father’s harsh treatment, we see throughout the text a combination of loyalty to him and an even greater loyalty to the will of God.

While Beaumont could hardly be called a traditional woman of letters, her patterns of speech, narrative methods, and turns of phrase deserve further scholarly attention. Vera J. Camden and Kathleen Lynch have begun this conversation in their articles on Beaumont (from 1989 and 2000, respectively–see below).

A final benefit for readers of Beaumont’s narrative is the humor that can be found within some of its details. For instance, the doctor whose help she seeks during her trial is none other than “Mr. Halfehead.” The scribe of this copy, perhaps the owner Amey Cullins herself, took pains to highlight the names of the actants throughout.

mr halfhead of potten

Stacie Vos, January 2015

Primary Sources and Links to Catalog Entries

James, Samuel. An abstract of the gracious dealings of God : with several eminent Christians, in their conversion and sufferings. Taken from authentic manuscripts, and published for the comfort … of serious minds … 1766 http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/4293504

Osborn c682, Agnes Beaumont, Account of the Dealings of God with Mrs. Agnes Beaumount, written by her self. 1756. James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/9331554

Secondary Sources

Bunyan, John, and John Stachniewski. Grace Abounding with Other Spiritual Autobiographies. Oxford [England: Oxford UP, 1998.

Camden, Vera J. “Domestic dissent in the narrative of the persecution of Agnes Beaumont,” History of European Ideas, 11:1-6, 211-224, 1989. DOI: 10.1016/0191-6599(89)90210-6

Bell, Patricia L. “Agnes Beaumont of Edworth.” Baptist Quarterly 35.1 (1993): 3-17. Web.

 

Lynch, Kathleen. “‘Her Name Agnes’: The Verifications of Agnes Beaumont’s Narrative Ventures,” ELH, 67:1, 71-98, 2000. DOI: 10.1353/elh.2000.0006

Owens, W. R.. “Beaumont, Agnes (bap. 1652, d. 1720).” W. R. OwensOxford Dictionary of National Biography. Ed. H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison. Oxford: OUP, 2004. Online ed. Ed. Lawrence Goldman. 15 Jan. 2015 <http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/37168&gt;.

Other Tyndales

A few other examples of the Tyndale Bibles held at the Beinecke are these four, arranged here:

Four Tyndale Bibles held at the Beinecke

Four Tyndale Bibles held at the Beinecke

The first I will discuss, on the far right, is the 1553 edition, printed at London. This copy is inscribed by William Herbert in 1773. Below this inscription is a note saying that “The Kalendar before this New Testament is remarkable for having the … Days Distinguished.”

Inside cover with signature

Inside cover with signature

Inserted into this edition are a few notes. One states that “William Tyndale’s translation of the New Testament into English was condemned by the English bishops and he himself was later strangled and burned at the stake. But his work contributed greatly to the version of the English Bible as we now know it. This edition, with a portrait of Edward VI on the title page, was printed at London in 1553.”

cover page

cover page

Just after the title page to this edition we find “The copye of the bill assigned by the kinges honorable counsell, for the Auctorisinge of this Testament.”

copy of bill authorizing the printing of this book

copy of bill authorizing the printing of this book

The other notes inserted are the advertisement for the copy, which emphasizes that the book, “TINDALE’S VERSION,” is “profusely illustrated with woodcuts.”

commercial description of this copy

commercial description of this copy

Curiously, one of the notes includes the cover page of Crowley’s translation of Piers Plowman.

Inserts

Inserts

The book opens with a letter to the “mooste puysaunte and mightye Prince Edwarde the fyrste,” which is followed by an almanack and “A table of the principal matters conteyned in this Testamente.” This is followed by “A true and perfect rekenynge of the yeares and tyme, from Adam unto Christe, gathered out of the holy Scripture.” Next is “An exhortation to the diligent study of the holy Scriptures, gathered out of the Byble.”

Throughout the copy, we find at the end of the books the initials of the printer, enclosed in a decorative frame: Jugge initials 1553 tyndale The books throughout the edition begin with ornate letters and intricate woodcuts. One woodcut, the annunciation scene, appears to have drawn the attention of readers who also practiced writing in the margins:

sample illustration with reader's handwritten notes in margin and a printed marginal note marking the image

sample illustration with reader’s handwritten notes in margin and a printed marginal note marking the image

The next Tyndale copy, moving in from either the left or right of either of the photographs I provide at the beginning and end of this essay, is the 1552 edition, advertised in the following insert:

Advertisement for the 1552 Tyndale with woodcuts

Advertisement for the 1552 Tyndale with woodcuts

The cover varies only slightly from the copy that will be printed the following year:

tyndale 1552 cover page

This copy includes “A Table of principall matters conteyned in thys Testamente,” which is an alphabetized list of descriptions of key figures, terms, and concepts. A sample of the listings can be found here, in a transcription I’ve done from the entries beginning with the letter “e”:

transcription of representative lines from the table (my emphasis on "reade the whole chapter")

transcription of representative lines from the table (my emphasis on “reade the whole chapter”)

This concordance also includes instructions for the reader, such as “Reade the whole chapter.”

The third Tyndale edition photographed here is from 1550:

1550 cover page

Two inserted notes accompany this volume:

1550 note one

1550 note two

This edition begins with an imprint by “J.C.”, who appears to have been printer John Cawood:

J.C. unto the Christen reders

J.C. unto the Christen reders

Here, Cawood explains one of the chief features of this early translation, which is that it has been “translated out of the greeke, with the translation in Latin of Erasmus ryght ouer againste it : for that ende that al men that are learned both in the Englishe and Latin tonge may compare, whether the Englishe texte be faythfully taken out of the greeke or no…” It is thus the “moste noble and famouse Clerke Erasmus” whose translation is held in highest regard in this opening letter to the reader. Cawed adds that the book will be useful to “yonge scolers of this Realme” who desire to learn Latin.

The following photographs illustrate this dual translation, while showing that the English text is the primary focus. The English print is larger and bolder, spanning a larger portion of the page (in part because the text is printed so that format enhances meaning and effect). Additionally, marginal biblical references add to the space that is devoted to the English column:

sample page of dual translation 1550

the beginning of the epistle of "Sainct James," with photographic evidence of the gilded binding of the book

the beginning of the epistle of “Sainct James,” with photographic evidence of the gilded binding of the book

The fourth and final in this set of Tyndale volumes is from 1534. The small book is filled with printed marginal notes, many of which have been cut off with what appears to be a cutting of the pages:

marginal notes tyndale 1534

This copy is signed by a woman reader from the early years of the 18th century:

Her book 1715

This small volume, inscribed by a woman, would seem to exemplify a trend identified by John N. King and Aaron Pratt in their essay on the materiality of English printed Bibles (in The King James Bible After Four Hundred Years). King and Pratt note, “While small-format Bibles and Psalters with luxury bindings were often associated with women, it is only with caution that one can make such a correlation with a Bible from 1534, since no larger format English editions had yet been printed…” (92).

These four editions help to demonstrate the progression of Tyndale’s translations and their many features, including dual translations, printed and hand-written marginalia, prologues, woodcuts, maps, tables, concordances, and letters to the reader. With the change of each edition, we can see new invitations to readers, and new responses to debates over how the Bible ought to be translated, printed, disseminated, and interpreted.

Stacie Vos

Four Tyndale Marble Crop

Call numbers and links to catalog entries

1553 Tyndale: MLm605 553, http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/1279802

1552 Tyndale: MLm605 525p, http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/1279747

1550 Tyndale: MLm605 550, http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/1270729

1534 Tyndale: 1974 942, http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/1333904

Additional References

Hamlin, Hannibal, and Norman W. Jones. The King James Bible after Four Hundred Years Literary, Linguistic, and Cultural Influences. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2010. Print.

Ryrie, Alec. “Cawood, John (1513/14–1572).” Alec RyrieOxford Dictionary of National Biography. Online ed. Ed. Lawrence Goldman. Oxford: OUP, . 31 Oct. 2014 <http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/4958&gt;.

The Leaf’s Gender: The King James Bible and the “She/He Misprint”

Beinecke copy of 1611/1613 King James Bible, boxed

Beinecke copy of 1611/1613 King James Bible, boxed

Not all King James Bibles are equal. Some are labeled as male, and some female–this is because of a misprint. The misprint occurs in Ruth at verse 3:15. One version says “he went into the city,” referring to Boaz. Another version holds that she went into the city, meaning Ruth. Gordon Campbell explains that the trouble derives from the fact that the Hebrew texts says “he,” while the sense of the passage demands that Ruth go to the city. Campbell holds that the translators of the Bishops’ Bible seem to have deliberately changed the pronoun from “she” to “he.”

Despite the fact that the misprint seems to be a minor one in a larger text, its connection to larger issues around gender seem to mean that the error has drawn a great deal of attention. Still today, the King James Bibles from 1611 and 1613 are named as either “He Bibles” or “She Bibles.”

An example of scholarly debate over the name can be found in David Norton’s history of the KJB. Norton writes:

The nicknames ‘He’ and ‘She’… make the first and second editions sound like a pair of equal age and standing, and they have often been taken as such. Though it is probable that the ‘She’ Bible, in one of its varying forms, dates from 1611, it is genuinely a second edition, and better referred to as such to keep clear what will become very apparent: that it is, comparatively, of little value as evidence for the text the translators created (65).

Norton also cites Alfred William Pollard, who writes:

all such nicknames for editions of the Bible are objectionable, and this, which suggests that the two editions form a pair, is mischievous. Their relation is not that of equality as between man and woman, but the second is derived from the first, as a child from its parents, an entirely new and distinct edition, reprinted from the original, and not a contemporaneous issue (Pollard 1911, 72).

The comments of Norton and Pollard reveal a host of ideas about gender and origin, ideas that seem disconnected from a simple mistake in the translation and printing of a text. Whether it was Ruth or Boaz who “went to the city” in this particular book of the Bible becomes less important than the fact that the Bible gains in the editing process a nickname. The gendered nicknames, Pollard claims, put the two books into a relationship similar to that of the heterosexual couple. Although certain readings of Genesis would suggest otherwise, Pollard holds that the pronouns used in the nicknames force us to view the books as an equal pair rather than as a parent and child. The problem is that one of these books came first–this too is a point on which scholars disagree (F.H.A. Scrivener is one of few scholars who believe that the “Great She Bible” preceded the “He Bible”).

The 1611 King James Bible held at the Beinecke is a “She Bible,” a copy in which it appears that Ruth is the one who went to the city. I will include below a number of photographs of this copy. First, however, I would like to mention a second “She Bible” held elsewhere at Yale University, this one housed with the Yale Divinity School Special Collections. This 1613 edition carries a typed introduction by George Stewart, who appears to be the former director of the Birmingham Public Library in Alabama.

Note at the front of Yale Divinity School copy of 1611/1613 KJB

Note at the front of Yale Divinity School copy of 1611/1613 KJB

Another note is written by hand on one of the opening leaves, perhaps by a reader, researcher, or librarian:

DSCF9489Librarian Note in Div copy

The passage in question is printed as follows in the copy held at Yale Divinity Library:

DSCF9500div copy she went into city

passage from Ruth 3:15 can be seen on the far right; Yale Divinity copy

This passage in the Beinecke copy is printed as follows:

DSCF9503 Beinecke 1611

This copy has been used, read and marked up to a great extent. I include as my closing images a few key pages and examples of the readers’ notes throughout the text. The history of the “he” misprint begs for further study of how translators’ and printers’ errors can lead to lively debates around the authority of men, women, and texts.

Sample Photographs from the Beinecke 1611/1613 KJB

DSCF9528 1611 NT cover

sample heading

sample heading

DSCF9505 Beinecke Mlm143 + 613 wrinkled page

DSCF9506 first note margin

DSCF9514 live an note

DSCF9517 and and

DSCF9512 births first

births recorded

births recorded

DSCF9530 lots of names

DSCF9539 voice of grace long note

DSCF9540 more notes and anne sheffield

Anne Sheffield her book

1611 KJB at the Beinecke, Call Number MLm143 +613

Yale University Orbis Catalog entry: http://orbis.library.yale.edu/vwebv/holdingsInfo?searchId=3391&recCount=50&recPointer=0&bibId=1228559

1613 edition, Yale Divinity School, Special Collections, Call Number 939087

http://orbexpress.library.yale.edu/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=809778

Works Cited

Campbell, Gordon. Bible: The Story of the King James Version, 1611-2011. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. Print.

Norton, David. A textual history of the King James Bible. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Print.

Pollard, Alfred W.. Records of the English Bible, the documents relating to the translation and publication of the Bible in English, 1525-1611;. London: H. Frowde, 1911. Print.

Online resources

http://www.lib.umich.edu/papyri-king-james/5_6_7.html

http://www.lstc.edu/gruber/english_bibles/kingjames.php

http://www.gla.ac.uk/services/specialcollections/virtualexhibitions/divinewritethekingjamesbibleandscotland/thekingjamesbible/

http://www.theguardian.com/books/2010/oct/17/bible-king-james-version-gordon-campbell-review

http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/sacredtexts/kingjames.html

What a Hand: Lady Mary Abney’s Sermon Notes (Osborn c516)

Lady Mary Abney in 3

This sermon notebook, owned by Lady Mary Abney, has broken into three pieces: the cover of the notebook, and the two halves that have split at page numbers 110 and 262. The fine handwriting, however—with all of its crossed-out words, footnotes, and blank spaces—remains in tact.

Lady Mary Abney’s notebook is a neat and structured account of her churchgoings and sermon hearings from the years 1722-1723. In the table at the end of the notebook, we find a list of preacher’s names, the date on which they preached, a key line of scripture from the sermon, and the page number of the notebook on which the sermon notes begin. Lady Abney’s notebook attests to her regular church attendance, which at times accommodated two sermons in one day.

page one of four; Lady Mary Abney's Table for her sermon notebook

Page one of four; Lady Mary Abney’s Table for her sermon notebook

Page two and beginning of 1723 entries, Abney's table

Page two and beginning of 1723 entries, Abney’s table

According to the current catalog entry (provided below as a hyperlink), Lady Abney was the widow of Sir Thomas Abney, patron of independent minister, poet, and hymn writer Isaac Watts. The listing states that forty-six sermons are summarized, seventeen by Watts and the remainder by Benjamin Grosvener. However, a few additional preachers are featured in the notebook: Mr. Harrison, Mr. Price, Mr. Arnold, and Mr. Clark. A final point mentioned in this listing is that many of the sermons are annotated in another hand, and that this hand may have been Isaac Watts himself. The front page of the notebook provides us with curious evidence as well, as the inscription reads “To Mrs. Mary Abney/Nov: 17th. A.D. 1722.” Under this is either a signature or a decorative mark, and below this appear the initials I:W. , perhaps evidence for the supposition that Watts annotated the sermon notes.

inscription on first page of notebook

Inscription on first page of notebook

Throughout the notebook the modern reader finds notes that appear to transcribe each sermon in full. The pages are numbered, and some include footnotes with additional commentary or reflection. Lady Abney’s impeccable handwriting sometimes lurches into crossed out sections or words added above a line, suggesting that she missed few words while taking down the contents of each sermon. The sermons generally begin with a biblical verse and an introduction to the sermon, followed by numbered propositions and then numbered “applications.” Some entries also have an objection and a series of answers to this objection. The first entry is from Mr. Grosvenor’s sermon on November 27, 1722.

A later entry begins in the following way:

Mr. Watts July the 7th. 1723

Rom.7.24 O wretched man that I am, who shall deliver me from the body of this death!

When the Apostle Paul had been looking into his own head and observed the working of sin there, he breaks out into this pathetick wish. O wretched man that I am who shall deliver me?  There are some Expositors who would have us think that the Apostle writ all the last part of this chapter as speaking in a person of an Hypocrite who would cloke his wickedness under some good wishes, and lay all his faults upon the flesh. They cannot be perswaded that the Apostle could say such hard things of himself, as he here does, I shall spend no more time to to refute this exposition then only to say these two things…

Sermon note 293, Isaac Watts, July the 7th, 1723

Sermon note 293, Isaac Watts, July the 7th, 1723; the top portion of the page includes another sermon from Mr. Grosvenor.

Watts then claims that “there is scare ever any Christian, that is a strict observer of his own heart, but can find the working of indwelling sin, and be witness to the Apostles experiences, and are ready to cry out with him O wretched man that I am who shall deliver me from this body of death?” Watts offers then to “improve this text” by posing and answering a series of questions on “indwelling sin.”

According to Isabel Rivers’s entry on Isaac Watts in the Oxford DNB, he moved in 1712 to stay with the “prominent dissenting whig Sir Thomas Abney.” On Watts’s close relationship with Lady Abney in particular, Rivers notes that after Sir Thomas’s death, he continued to live with Lady Abney and her two daughters: “They represented the ideal dissenting household. Watts thanked Lady Abney in the dedication to Divine Songs (1715): ‘It is to her unwearied Tenderness, and many kind Offices by Night and Day, in the more violent Seasons of my Indisposition, that (under God) I own my Life, and Power to write or think.'” In other scholarship on Watts, Margaret M. Smith has compiled an index of his writings, which include sermons preached at “Sir Thomas Abney’s Family,” for which transcripts are recorded in Bodleian MS Eng.th.f.37 (Smith, 515).

A useful future study might compare Lady Abney’s notes to the collected sermons of the preachers in question. In the American context, Meredith Neuman’s Jeremiah’s Scribes offers a detailed study of sermon notes from Puritan New England. At the beginning of the book, she poses the essential question regarding the Protestant principles of sola fide (by faith alone) and sola scriptura (by scripture alone). She writes, “The creators and consumers of Puritan sermon literature are a people who distinguished themselves by saying that faith alone is enough for salvation. So why, we might rightly ask, did they spend so much time in the pulpit and pew?” Such questions, Neuman points out, are relevant in the study of both American and English sermon literature. As we have Lady Abney’s notebook before us, we cannot help but think of what a hand the individual has in shaping, interpreting, and recording scripture, so much so that the idea of “scripture alone” can scarcely be seen as accurate.

Orbis links

http://orbis.library.yale.edu/vwebv/search?searchArg=lady+abney+sermon+notes&searchCode=GKEY%5E*&limitTo=none&recCount=50&searchType=1&page.search.search.button=Search

(includes partial digitizations )

Works Cited

Neuman, Meredith Marie. Jeremiah’s scribes: creating sermon literature in Puritan New England. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Print.

Rivers, Isabel. “Watts, Isaac (1674–1748).” Isabel Rivers Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Ed. H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison. Oxford: OUP, 2004. Online ed. Ed. Lawrence Goldman. Oct. 2008. 22 Aug. 2014 <http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/28888&gt;.

Smith, Margaret M.. Index of English literary manuscripts. London: Mansell, 1989. Print.

Tyndale’s 1536 “Newe Testament”: A Book of Prologues (2014 31, continued)

DSCF8551 header for post

This copy of Tyndale’s New Testament begins suddenly, without title page or prologue, just after the page marking the end of Marshall’s primer (a page that states the conditions for the printing of the primer, and lists the date in June (the 16th) when John Byddell printed the book in 1535).

Each of Paul’s letters in this edition begins with an image of Paul (just as each of the gospels begins with an image of the evangelist). This illustration helps us to identify this copy of the Bible as an “engraver’s mark” edition. This edition is named after the engraver Adrian Kempe de Bouchout, whose initials appear on the stone upon which Paul rests his foot in the woodcut:

Paul unto Titus, header image, showing initials AKB for the engraver

Paul unto Titus, header image, showing initials (AKB) of the engraver

At the start of “The Gospell of S. Mathew the Apostle and Euangelist,” we find the first of the prologues that will introduce each book of this Bible. This first prologue is much shorter than the others that will follow, and reads:

As touchynge the Euangelistes: ye se in the new Testament clearly what they were. Fyrst Matthew (as ye reade Matthew.ix.Mar.ij.Luke.v.) was one of Christes Apostles and was with Christ all the tyme of his preachynge and sawe and heard his awne selfe all/mostall that he wrote.

We then read a heading before the actual chapter is introduced with an illustration at the beginning: “The generacion of Jesu Christ. The byrth of Christ.”

The prologue and first page of the Gospel of Matthew

The prologue and first page of the Gospel of Matthew

Matthew receives little attention compared to the other evangelists. However, a reader has marked two pages in the Gospel of Matthew:

marginal figure of hand pointing to underlined text reading "bloude of zacharias the sone..."

marginal figure of hand pointing to underlined text reading “bloude of zacharias the sone…”

a second marginal note opposite the previous one in Matthew

a second marginal note opposite the previous one in Matthew

Starting with the Gospel of Mark, the length of Tyndale’s prologues increases greatly:

Prologue to the Gospel of Mark

Prologue to the Gospel of Mark

This introduction to Mark reads as follows:

Of Marke ye reade (Actes. xij.) how Peter (after he was loosed outs of pryson by the angel) came to Markes mother housse/where many of the disciples were praying for his delyuerauce. And Paul and Barnabas toke him with them fro Jerusalem and brought him to Antioche/Actes. Xij. And Actes xiij. Paul and Barbabas toke Marke with them when they were sent out to preache : from whome he also departed as it apereth in the sayde chatper and returned to Jerusalem agayne. And Actes. Xv. Paul and Barnabas were at variauce aboute him Paul not willynge to take him with them because he forsoke them in their first Jorneye. Notwithstondynge yet when Paul wrote the Pistle to the Collossyans Marke was with him as he sayth in the fourth chapter : of whom Paul also testifyeth both that he was Barnabas systers sone and also his felowe worker in the kyngdom of God.

And .ij. Timothe. Iiij. Paul comaundeth Timothe to brynge Marke with him/ affirmynge that he was nedefull to him to minister to him. And when he wrote to Philemon Marke was with him. Finallye he was also with Peter when he wrote his fyrst epistle… so familier that Peter calleth him his sone whereof ye se of whome he learned hys Gospell euen of the verye Apostles with whome he had his contynuall conuersacion and also of what auctorite his wrytynge is and how worthye of credence.

The book of Luke includes a prologue of a similar length and content, in which Tyndale highlights the relationship between Luke and Paul. He writes, “Lucas was Pauls companion at the least waye from the .xvj. of the Actes forth and with him in all his tribulacion.” Tyndale then notes that Luke was with Paul as he wrote several of his epistles: “And he was with Paul when he wrote the seconde epistle to Timothe / as he sayth in the fourth chapiter sayinge: Onlye Lucas is with me.”

Prologue to Luke

Prologue to Luke

The book of Luke in this copy features the “genealogie of Christ,” which is highlighted by the format in which it is printed:

"the genealogie of Christ" (excerpt of three page section)

“the genealogie of Christ” (excerpt of three page section)

The prologue to the gospel of John emphasizes John’s writing and his closeness with Christ:

Prologue to John

Prologue to John

The beginning and end of the book focus on the written word. The opening line, we may recall, reads “In the beginnyng was the worde and the word was with God.” The closing of the book reads “The same disciple is he whiche testifyeth of these thynges and wrote these thynges. And we knowe that his testimony is true. There are also many other thynges whiche Jesus dyd : the which yf they shulde be wrytten euery one I suppose the world could not contayne the bokes that shulde be wrytten.”

DSCF8620 end of John

In Acts, a few examples of light marginalia can be found:

light annotation in Acts, chapter 19

light annotation in Acts, chapter 19

acts annotation 1 cont.

continuation of annotation in Chapter 19 of Acts

The end of Acts is also marked by the reader’s notes:

reader's note at the end of Acts

reader’s note at the end of Acts

The epistles of Paul begin with a new cover page that confirms a printing date of 1536:

cover page for the epistles of Paul

cover page for the epistles of Paul

Missing from this list of contents are the extensive prologues provided by Tyndale, the first of which is his lengthy “prologe upon the Epistle of Saynct Paul to the Romayns.” Spanning 13 pages of small print, this prologue rivals the epistle itself, which covers about 25 pages in the larger print found throughout the New Testament. The reader has labeled sections of the prologue with abstract terms: “Law,” “Faith,” “Works,” “Flesh,” “Sin,” “Grace.”

reader’s marginalia in the prologue to Romans

While many understand this prologue to be a mere translation of Luther’s prologue to Romans, Tyndale scholars such as his biographer David Daniell emphasize Tyndale’s innovation, especially in this para-textual example. In his biography of Tyndale, Daniell writes, “A study, however brief, of these 1534 prologues can show Tyndale markedly less Lutheran, and moving more to something of his own, something English” (327).

Another detailed prologue appears before the letter to the Hebrews.

page one of two, prologue to the epistle to the Hebrews

page one of two, prologue to the epistle to the Hebrews

Daniell points out that this prologue is the one in which Tyndale makes points independent of Luther: “What is notable is that Tyndale strikes out so strongly on his own, first of all using arguments not traditional in that discussion but absolutely in accord with his principle of using the whole New Testament to comment on, and confirm, itself: and secondly so closely relating that theological issue to the daily life of his readers” (328). With regard to the debate about the authorship of the letter, Tyndale withholds judgement: “Now whether it were Pauls or no I saye not…”

The reader must have accepted Tyndale’s invitation to judge the text, as this epistle is marked up a great deal, certainly more than any other section of this copy of the New Testament:


DSCF8742 Hebrews two

The final sections of this Bible include Revelations, the “epistles taken oute of the olde Testament,” and a “necessary table” for the New Testament. While woodcut illustrations are found at the beginning of most of the books within this Bible, and while several additional illustrations are found throughout, the book of Revelations relies upon larger and more plentiful woodcuts throughout. An instance of one of the figures is the following image of the angel announcing the fall of Babylon. A marginal note highlights the significance of this figure at the same time that it designates the placement of the woodcut.

example of Revelations illustration

example of Revelations illustration

The final page of the volume holds the handwriting of a number of readers, a reminder of the wide reach of this text:

DSCF8773 final page with signatures

Works Cited

Daniell, David. William Tyndale: a biography. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994. Print.

Suggested Reading

Arblaster, Paul, Gergely Juhász, and Guido Latré. Tyndale’s testament. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2002. Print.

Foxe, John, and John N. King. Foxe’s Book of martyrs select narratives. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Print.

Hamond, Gerald, and Busch  Austin. The English Bible: King James Version.. New York: W.W. Norton, 2012. Print.

Simpson, James. Burning to Read: English Fundamentalism and its Reformation Opponents. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007. Print.

Whiting, Michael S.. Luther in English: the influence of his theology of law and gospel on early English evangelicals (1525-35). Eugene, Or: Pickwick Publications, 2010. Print.

“Euyn the hethen”: Marshall’s “Goodly Prymer” and Tyndale’s 1536 New Testament in 2014 31

2014 31 "PROBABLY THE ONLY COPY PRIVATELY OWNED OF THIS EDITION OF TYNDALE'S NEW TESTAMENT"

2014 31
“PROBABLY THE ONLY COPY PRIVATELY OWNED OF THIS EDITION OF TYNDALE’S NEW TESTAMENT”

ENCASEMENT

The binding to this volume highlights the prymer that precedes the New Testament.

The binding to this volume highlights the “prymer” that precedes the New Testament.

MARSHALL’S GOODLY PRYMER, LONDON 1535

thy name be halowed

This copy of the 1536 Tyndale New Testament begins with another full text entitled A goodly prymer in englyshe, newly corrected and printed, with certayne godly meditations and prayers added to the same, very necessarie and profitable for all them that ryghte assuredly understande not the latine and greke tongues. Also understood as a book of hours (and catalogued as such in the listing at the end of this post), this text is authored by “Wylliam Marshall” and printed by John Byddell.

In the Beinecke copy, this cover page, which also features the royal coat of arms, is signed, as is the leaf opposite this illustration.

Cover page and inscriptions in 2014 31, the 1536 Tyndale New Testament held at the Beinecke

Cover page and inscriptions in 2014 31, the 1536 Tyndale New Testament held at the Beinecke;                                                                             the letters “H” and “A” refer to the reigning King and Queen.

In his 1953 study The English Primers (1529-1545: Their Publication and Connection with the English Bible and the Reformation in England, Charles C. Butterworth offers both an overview of the English primer in general and a particular account of the major features of Marshall’s Goodly Primer from 1535. On the cover page, Butterworth highlights the mention of the “Greek tongue,” which “shows how the leaven of the Revival of Learning was at work, thanks to Tyndale and Erasmus” (105).

The presence of this primer in the same volume as the English New Testament attests to Tyndale’s desire to reach a mass audience through the vernacular Bible. Tyndale’s goal changed English society in at least two remarkable ways, one religious, the other educational. Tyndale gave us Bibles, and countless English words. On the effect of Tyndale’s English translation, David Norton writes that “more of our English is ultimately learnt from Tyndale than from any other writer of English prose…” (10). In his book A History of the English Bible as Literature, Norton cites a layman named William Maldon who tells the story of how he began reading the Bible.

‘divers poor men in the town of Chelmsford in the county of Essex where my father dwelt and I born and with him brought up, the said poor men bought the New Testament of Jesus Christ and on Sundays did sit reading in lower end of church, and many would flock about them to hear their reading, then I came among the said readers to hear them reading of that glad and sweet tidings of the gospel, then my father seeing this that I listened unto them every Sunday, then came he and sought me among them, and brought me away from the hearing of them, and would have me to say the Latin matins with him, the which grieved me very much, and thus did fetch me away divers times, then I see I could not be in rest, then thought I, I will learn to read English, and then I will have the New Testament and read thereon myself, and then had I learned of an English primer as far as patris sapienta and then on Sundays I plied my English primer, the Maytide following I and my father’s apprentice, Thomas Jeffary laid our money together, and bought the New Testament in English, and hid it in our bedstraw and so exercised it at convenient times’ (cited in Norton, 10).

This vivid story highlights, at the level of a single family, the controversy surrounding the English Bible. In addition to the money and the bedstraw invested in Maldon hiding this book from his father, the English primer played a key role in Maldon’s ability to practice a religion that was based upon reading the New Testament in English.

Other historical and literary references to primers include Chaucer’s “Prioress’s Tale”. Butterworth cites this reference to primers in order to illustrate one of the uses of the primer, which was to educate children. For this reason, some primers include the alphabet (3).

The volume of Marshall’s primer included in Beinecke 2014 31 consists of many parts, beginning with an admonition to the reader, followed by an almanac. On the page marking December, a reader has written a note that includes the date 1536.

Marginal note in the calendar of the "goodly prymer"

Marginal note in the calendar of the “goodly prymer”

Following the almanac is a preface in which the author compares the grace of God to medicine through a brief “ensample,” marked with a marginal notation. At the end of the preface, another marginal note appears, directing the reader to yet another book: “Yf ye will se the comaundement substantially declared at length, rede the boke entitled the booke of good workes.”

marginal note at the beginning of 1535 "goodly prymer," marking "an ensample" of a sick man seeking medicine, in the same manner that the Christian must seek the grace of God

marginal note at the beginning of 1535 “goodly prymer,” marking “an ensample” of a sick man seeking medicine, in the same manner that the Christian must seek the grace of God

note directing reader to "the booke of good workes"

note directing reader to “the booke of good workes”

The ten commandments follow this preface. The commandments are broken into two “tables,” begin with an introduction to the “table of Moyses,” and include explanations of each commandment. In the opening to this section, Marshall writes,

Therfore in the fyrste of all the comaundemetes we be taught what god requireth in every manes herts, and what man ought to judge and thynke of hym, that is, that he like ever for [the] best of him, euyn as of a father, or of a speciall frende, and that without doubtynge or any mistrust, with constant faythe, trust, and loud, euer fearing to displease him, euyn as kynde [and] louyng children fear to displease their naturall fathers. For very nature do the teach [that] there is one god, of whom all our goodnes springeth, whiche is our succor in all aduersitie. For this thynge euyn the heathen dyd  attribute and graunte unto theyr Idollles.

tenne commandments opening

Opening of “The tenne comaundementes.”

The contents of the primer following the commandments include “The creed or belefe,” “A generall confession for euery sinner,” “An instruction howe and in what maner we oughte to pray, to almyghty god,” and “The prayer of the lorde called the Pater noster.” The pater noster includes explanations or “understandynge of the wordes” after each phrase.

pater noster

Following the pater noster is “The salutation of our moste blessed lady saynt Mary the virgin,” which is followed by another prayer, “Conditor cell et terre” (O Maker of heaven and earth).

Next comes the “office of all estates,” which names, first of all social groups, the “Byshop.” The groups then listed are “Rulers,” “The comens,” “husbandes,” “Wyues,” “fathers and mothers,” “Chyldren,” “Maysters,” “Seruauntes,” and “Wydowes.”

office of all estates

Further contents include “The summe of all Good Workes,” a series of hymns and psalms, lessons, “the versicle,” “the song of Austen and Ambrose,” “The songe of zachary the preeste, saynt John Baptistes father,” “The prime and hours,” “Euensonge” and “The complene.”

complene photo

A page is missing between the seven psalms, at the end of which there is a preface that reads:

Forasmoche good christen reder, as I am certeynly perswaded, that diuerse [persons] of small iudgemet and knowlege in holy scripture haue ben offended, for that yin the englyshe prymer, whiche I lately set forthe, I dyd omitte and leaue out the letany, whiche I take god to witnes, I did not of any perverse mynde or opinion, thynkyng that our blessed lady, and holy sayntes, myghte in no wyse be prayed unto, but rather bicause I was not ignoraunt of the wycked opinion, and vayne superstitious maner, that dyuerse and many persons haue not only used in worshyppyng of them: but also thynkyng that god by Christ wolde non otherwyse gladly here and accepte their petitiones and prayers, but by his blessed mother, and saints, amoges other carnall and worldly perswasions alledgyng this.

Butterworth begins his discussion of Marshall’s primer by noting that “he seems to have been irked by complaints that his Primer had neither Litany nor Dirge” (105). These complaints, Butterworth suggests, likely contributed to the 1535 reprinting of Marshall’s 1534 primer. The litany and dirge are two of the most significant changes that Butterworth traces from the 1534 to the 1535 editions. Perhaps attesting to the controversy around these features, however, the Beinecke copy is missing the litany. Instead, the remainder of a cut page juts out between this preface and the next section of the primer.

Page missing after preface to the litany

Page missing after preface to the litany

After what would be the litany if not missing from this copy, Marshall includes “An exposition after the maner of a contemplation upon the .li. psalme, called “Miserere meideus.”

exposition after the maner of a contemplation upon the lj psalme

In this section of the primer, Marshall presents each line of Psalm 51 in a large print, followed by a long and elaborate prayer. According to Chris Stamatakis, this is an English prose translation of Savonarola’s exposition of the psalm. Stamatakis notes, also, that in the 1538 edition of Marshall’s primer, the Latin text of the psalm is printed parallel to Marshall’s English exposition.

Although the litany does not appear in the Beinecke copy, the “dirige,” the other major feature of the 1535 edition according to Butterworth, does appear, and is preceded by a second “admonition or warnyng to the reder.”

the dirige

“The Dirige”

The remaining sections of the primer include a newly added prayer (noted by Butterworth, page 108) entitled “O bone Jesu,”  “The passion of our sauiour Christe,” “frutefull remembraunce of Christes passion,” “A christen instruction,” and “A Dialogue betwene the father and the sonne askyng certayne questions/ and the father answerynge.” Butterworth notes that this, too, is a new addition to the 1535 primer: “By some strange twist the roles are now reversed, and it is the child who asks the questions…” (111). In this section, the ten commandments are rendered in red ink:

ten commandments, within the dialogue between "father and sonne"; note that the child's question precedes the father's answers in this section, blurring distinctions between the teacher and the taught

ten commandments, within the dialogue between “father and sonne”

As the top section of this page shows, the child’s question precedes the father’s answers in this section, blurring distinctions between the teacher and the taught.

At the end of the primer we find the psalmes of passion, a prayer for the prophet Jonas, and a “table of the boke.”

table of the boke

From this table the reader can gain a sense of the extensive contents of this primer, the order of which might prove to be a worthwhile future study. For the purposes of this project, an introductory note from Butterworth proves its use. He writes,

The Primers contained, along with other devotional matter, a significant amount of Scripture—from forty to sixty Psalms in their entirety as well as familiar passages from the New Testament and occasional excerpts from the Old. When it is realized that the several of the English Primers preceded the first printing of a complete English Bible—the Coverdale Bible (October 4, 1535)—and when it is borne in mind that the selections in the Primers were among the best-known and best-loved portions of the Bible, it will be seen how these Primers had their part in shaping the English text. (2)

The primer was a compilation and a guide. Intended for the laity, it could offer key passages from the Bible as well as prayers for worship. Like the English Bible itself, the primer has a precursor in the time of Wycliffe, and, closer to the time of Marshall’s primer, a 1523 primer published by Wynkyn de Worde. In The Stripping of the Altars, Eamon Duffy emphasizes the role of the primer for the Protestant project of Thomas Cranmer (archbishop of Canterbury) and others, who “had seen the potential of the primers as a means of carrying Protestant convictions to the widest possible audience of devout lay people, catching them off-guard as it were, on their knees” (444). Duffy cites Marshall’s Goodly Primer as “the most dramatic early example” (444).

This particular volume of the primer is bound with the New Testament, translated by Tyndale, a Bible that contains a number of prologues, to be discussed in a future post of this blog. This book is a crucial document in the history of Christianity, theology, and English literature. It is also a book that invites us to consider what role(s) the translator, compiler, author, and reader can play. The details of the missing “letany” and the  “dialogue” or catechism in which the child is the one posing the questions rather than the father/teacher both attest to a turbulent and promising time for Protestant leaders and lay readers.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, martyrologists like John Foxe would make detailed accounts of the reading practices of laypeople, especially Christian martyrs. To love one’s New Testament was to love God. To return to Maldon once more: his story was included in Volume 8 of Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, according to which Maldon was mocked by fellow servant John Apowel while reading his primer. Maldon’s rebuttal for this mocking seems the best evidence of the larger aims of this devotional book:

the said John Apowel mocked him after every word, with contrary gauds and flouting words irreverently, insomuch that he could no longer abide him for grief of heart, but turned unto him and said, ‘John, take heed what thou dost ; thou dost not mock me, but thou mockest God : for in mocking of his word, thou mockest him : and this is the word of God, though I be simple that read it ; and therefore beware what thou dost.’

In Marshall’s primer, the child asks questions of his father. The reading of his primer allows Maldon, the bound servant to the wheat-taker Hugh Aparry, to become the one who teaches the man who mocks him.

The English Bible and its supplements tell us much about the reversal of social roles that took place as a result of the Reformation. The study of this particular book, especially in its original form in the archive, allows us to honor the words of the lay reader. The primer is a useful place to begin this study, not only because it appears just before the New Testament newly acquired by the Beinecke, but also because this book may take its name from the Latin phrase liber primarius (See Butterworth, 3). The primer, like the Bible to come, was often the first book of the household, the book that anyone could read, no matter how “simple.”

Primary Sources

The acts and monuments of John Foxe, ed. S. R. Cattley, 8 vols. (1837–41), vol. 8

Beinecke 2014 31, A goodly prymer in englyshe by William Marshall, 1535

Yale Orbis catalog listing and description: http://orbis.library.yale.edu/vwebv/holdingsInfo?searchId=2769&recCount=50&recPointer=1&bibId=11803040 (NT) http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/11802780 (Primer/Prayer book/Book of hours)

More information can be found on the Beinecke website, here: http://beinecke.library.yale.edu/about/news/beinecke-acquires-rare-english-translations-bible

Secondary Works Cited

Butterworth, Charles C.. The English primers, 1529-1545; their publication and connection with the English Bible and the Reformation in England.. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1953. Print.

Duffy, Eamon. The stripping of the altars: traditional religion in England, c.1400-c.1580. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992. Print.

Norton, David. A history of the English Bible as literature. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Print.

Suggested Reading

Stamatakis, Chris. Sir Thomas Wyatt and the rhetoric of rewriting: turning the word. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Print.

Greenslade, S. L.. The Cambridge history of the Bible. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Print.

Introducing Tyndale II: A Contested Attribution

Tyndale Supper of the Lorde

This small book, attributed to Tyndale, is a reissue by printer Robert Crowley. In 1960, W.D.J. Cargill Thompson published an article in The Harvard Theological Review about the authorship of this book. Cargill Thompson argues that this work was written by George Joye, not Tyndale.

Title page for Supper of the Lorde

Title page for Supper of the Lorde

Imprint of Crowley at end of preface

Imprint of Crowley at end of preface

Orbis link:  http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/1276605

Cargill Thompson’s article, “Who Wrote ‘The Supper of the Lord’?”: http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/1508715?uid=3739256&uid=2&uid=4&sid=21104496729263

Introducing Tyndale at the Beinecke: The ‘Blank Stone’ Edition of 1536

The impetus for this blog is the acquisition of two Tyndale Bibles (call numbers 2014 31 and 2014 184), to be discussed at length in future posts on these pages.

The collection features a number of other works done by, or attributed to, William Tyndale. One interesting piece is what we might call the Tyndale Fragment, call number 1977 1241 (http://hdl.handle.net/10079/bibid/1333905), which includes two leaves from the gospel of St. Mark, chapters 1 and 7.

Tyndale Fragment with note

Detail of letter from British Museum on Tyndale Fragment, 1911

Detail of letter from British Museum on Tyndale Fragment, 1911

A 1911 note from the Department of Printed Books, British Museum, reads as follows:

Dear Sir,

Your two leaves are from one of three quarto editions of Tyndale’s New Testament printed in 1536, probably at Antwerp. From the fact that the stone on which S. Paul’s foot rests in one of its woodcuts is blank, while in the two others it shows respectively a monogram and figure of a mole, this is commonly cited as the ‘Blank Stone’ edition of 1536.

faithfully ,

Alfred W Pollard

The complete 1536 Tyndale held at the Beinecke (2014 31, to be featured soon) indeed features Paul standing on a rock with a monogram.

This fragment, which includes handwriting from 1809, appears as follows:

first of four leaves from the gospel of St. Marke

first of four pages from the gospel of St. Marke

second leaf

second page

third leaf

third page

fourth leaf, ending with "And they brought unto him one that was deffe"

fourth page, ending with “And they brought unto him one that was deffe”

This brief excerpt helps to introduce a few of the features of the Tyndale Bible, including illustrations, arguments before each chapter, and marginal notes with biblical verses, and, as we will later see, some key points or terms from the chapter.

Bible Collection Highlight 1: The Blaxton Family Bible, or Osborn a28

Page and heading detail, Osborn a28

Page and heading detail, Osborn a28

This Bishops’ Bible, which is partially digitized on the Beinecke website (http://brbl-dl.library.yale.edu/vufind/Record/3526308), features a number of signatures, notes, even works of poetry in manuscript form.

Example of print and hand-written marginalia in Osborn a28

Example of print and hand-written marginalia in Osborn a28

DSCF8338 three sortes of tentes

Example of marginalia explaining key terms and notes on translation; notice heading at top of page: "Offices."

Examples of marginalia explaining key terms and notes on translation; notice heading at top of page: “Offices.”

"Journeys of Israel"

“Journeys of Israel”

Heading for the Book of Deuteronomy, both in print, reiterated by hand.

Heading for the Book of Deuteronomy, both in print, reiterated by hand.

An example of blank page with inscriptions and notes.

An example of blank page with inscriptions and notes.

detail

detail

The many owners of this book took full advantage of free space throughout. Further examples can be found throughout:

Note with year 1670 and "Let not this Booke..."

Note with year 1670 and “Let not this Booke…”

Page 106; heading reads "Josuahs charge."

Page 106; heading reads “Josuahs charge.”

Marginalia on page 209: 2.Chronicles.

Marginalia on page 209: 2.Chronicles.

Marginalia in Nehemias, heading "Sanaballats."

Marginalia in Nehemias, heading “Sanaballats.”

A handwritten note reiterates, "Theend of the book of Iob," with two incomplete attempts on either side of the note.

A handwritten note reiterates, “Theend of the book of Iob,” with two incomplete attempts on either side of the note.

Charles Lagoff Inscription, 1670 (?)

A simple marginal gloss: "and he says."

A simple marginal gloss: “and he says.”

A later section in the book includes two holograph poems by Henry Blaxton. A catalog description can be found here: http://orbexpress.library.yale.edu/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=9421136, and states:

DSCF8394inscriptions and a manuscript

DSCF8398 Blaxton poem cont.

DSCF8399 Blaxton Verse and Joan Blaxton

Stacie Vos

stacie.vos@yale.edu